PEOPLE'S LEGAL FRONT

BECAUSE THESE ARE NOT THE TRADE SECRETS OF ATTORNEYS

LAWS MOTIONSLINKS

The Legacy of Sexual Abuse

Robin C. McDermott
 
 
 
 

For the Children, young and old,

for their safety, peace, justice, lost innocence,

hope, and recovered joy,

and for those who would help them.
 
 
 
 

I gratefully acknowledge those hearty souls that have endeavored to uncover the truth in the faces of monsters and have found wounded children.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

The Legacy of Sexual Abuse

Thanks to Freud, Kinsey and popular unwillingness to confront such an outrage, the occurrence of child sexual abuse has until recent years been attributed to childhood sexual fantasy. With the assistance of the women's movement,  the sheer numbers of reported occurrences and the seriousness of the sequelae behaviors of the victims began to become more public. Confrontation was no longer avoidable. However for many years it has been either the victim or the non-offending caregiver who was blamed, or the negative effects of the incidents were denied (Bender & Blau, 1937; Lukianowicz, 1972; Sloane & Karpinski, 1942)

This sexual use of children is a very old problem of mankind. The awareness of child sexual abuse has had cycles of discovery and suppression for centuries. In the 1850s in France is was widely believed that sex with a child would cure venereal disease. Seventy-five percent of people charged with rape during this period were accused of raping children. Freud was initially influenced by the research of many French physicians would concluded that sex acts involving children were quite common, victims frequently showed no physical signs, the perpetrators were often relatives and that higher education did not inhibit men from committing such acts. In 1896 Freud advanced his Aseduction theory holding that mental illness was caused by childhood sexual activity with an adult. He believed the activity was common, though he believed that it was women who were its victims as evidenced by his perceived belief that women were generally more hysterical and suffers of mental illness than were men. He changed his mind later suggesting that it was childhood fantasy about sex with an adult that caused mental illness effectually suppressing the works of Ferenczzi in 1932 who wrote that sexual trauma was in fact a very real source of problems, and thereby suppressing the whole issue of child sexual abuse.

In 1953 Kinsey wrote that it was Adifficult to understandwhy such sexual contact should be harmful, except for the cultural conditioning of the child. In 1962 Kempe's article on The Battered Child Syndrome cited the overwhelming clinical evidence of the harm from sexual abuse and the public was made aware of the sex crimes against children. There is however, the beginnings again of a backlash against this awareness. One of the reasons for this is the fact that the offenders are highly resistant to treatment modalities employed by the main source of intervention, the criminal justice system.

While most states have prohibited carnal knowledge, carnal abuse or sexual intercourse with female children 10 years old or younger, up until the late eighteenth century those older than 10 were protected by law only from forcible rape. The statutory rape laws of the 1950s and 1960s raised the statutory age to 16 or 18 in an effort to protect young women. Most states have enacted protections of children Afrom indecent liberties, lewd and lascivious acts, or molestation. New Jersey is the only state that doesn't have incest statutes prohibiting sexual intercourse and marriage between close relatives.

It is estimated that eighty-five percent of all reported sexual abuse of a child is perpetrated by a male offender who is known to the child. It is estimated that only fifty percent of child sexual abuse is reported to law enforcement, counselors, teachers, clergy or some other adult. Female victims are more likely to report sexual abuse than are males. The actual numbers of male survivors of sexual abuse is still unknown. Female children are more likely to be abused by a member of her family whereas male abuse is more often perpetrated by nonfamily members and strangers with more frequency than are abuses of females.

The concept of children being sexually victimized by someone who is in a position of authority and trust in the child's life has for decades been a tremendous intrusion on the comfort zone of family and family values. The idea of stranger danger presented a more palatable explanation for these events. Perhaps, it is a side effect of the general deterioration of the traditional family, inviting the concerns of social service organizations into the dysfunctions of more and more families that has prompted the massive increase in reports of this crime that has an old, old history in mankind.

The focus on the perpetrators of child sexual abuse has come from the criminal justice system. While the majority of incidents do not eventuate in legal proceedings there are increasing numbers of offenders being cycled through the courts and prisons as well as continued treatment in community based programs.

Sexual abusers of children appear to be at higher risk for recidivism than any other type of offender, however, an initial recidivism study conducted in 1995 by the Department of Corrections in the State of Alaska indicated that those offenders receiving treatment had longer survival rates in the community before re-offense than those receiving no treatment and those who continued through the advanced stages of the treatment had even greater survival rates than those who left the program at lower levels due to expiration of length of sentence. While neither the criminal justice system or the mental health professions have answered the question of how to stop men from sexually abusing children the preliminary effects of treatment seem to offer promise of finding the answer.

When offenders are caught, they are identified as criminals, sorted into one or more category of types of offenders, sometimes imprisoned, sent to weekly therapy sessions, taught relapse prevention techniques, required to register with local law enforcement and/or identify themselves to their neighbors, mandated to stay away from children, given antiandrogenic medications, required to have no contact with pornographic materials and various other measures depending upon which county in which state they reside and the information currently utilized by the officials.

A sexual abuser of a minor (SAM) may be a anyone, from anywhere, with an education or without, with a successful job or unemployed, married, single, heterosexual or homosexual, though the old stereotype of all pedophiles preying on males being homosexual has been dispelled by more than one study. (Willis, 1993; Stewart, 1995; Finkelhor, Williams, Burns, Kallinowski, 19988; Wurtele and Miller-Perrin, 1993). The SAM may be a fixated or regressed pedophile, a situational or preferential offender. He may have multiple victims or a single victim. He may use violence or be coercive or simply prey upon a victim with an emotional need for attention.

All of these categories have proven to be unreliable and crude methods of discovering why men sexually abuse children.

Despite all measures currently being employed, they re-offend. By the time an individual is identified as an offender they may have perpetrated multiple incidents of sexual abuse on as many as a hundred different children. (Davidson, personal communication). The emergence of child and adolescent sexual offenders is a relatively recent discovery. (Vizard, Monch and Misch 1995). Mental health practitioners have reported that adolescents displaying the early signs of sex offending tended to grow up and commit sex offenses unless they were provided with treatment underscoring the value of early intervention in prevention. In the controversial cases involving some Catholic priests, these offenses were perpetrated over fifteen to twenty years. In the cases of incestuous abuse, these incidents have seen to occur over many years of the child's life, may involve more than one victim in the family and are frequently not reported until the child has reached adulthood seeking treatment for sequelae associated with child sexual abuse.

David Finkelhor's traumagenic dynamic model of childhood sexual abuse proposes four factors of harm to normal development occurring in the victimized child: traumatic sexualization, betrayal, stigmatization, and powerlessness.

Finkelhor's model proposes that sexual activity is both frightening to the child and exploitive, resulting in the adult survivor becoming unable to experience healthy sexual relationships. This may include dangerous sexual behaviors, dysfunctions, or total avoidance of sex. The child betrayed by the abuser or the family member who failed to protect them from the abuse grows up to be an adult who is mistrustful in adult relationships. They tend to higher likelihood of depressive disorders and in men, higher likelihood of aggressive behaviors. Child victims feel stigmatized and blame themselves for the abuse. There is recurrence of shame at each unbidden remembrance of the abuse and adult survivors have high incidence of low self-esteem. Added to this is a profound sense of powerlessness that pervades both the child's and adult survivor's view of her/himself. (Finkelhor, 1995)

The powerlessness of the child to stop the abuse and the attending harms and the powerlessness of the abusers to stop abusing appear to be closely intertwined. This powerlessness is manifest in both the victim and the offender as anxiety disorders, inordinate fear, need to control others, high rates of occurrence of obsessive compulsive symptoms, dissociative symptoms, depersonalization, myriad somatic complaints without explainable physical causes, and in the most severe cases, multiple personality disorders.

No less costly to humanity is the increased incidence of failed marriages, alcoholism, illegal drug use and abuse, prostitution, attempted suicide, exhibitionism, self mutilating behavior, and the various forms of violence to others, including a propensity of some victims to identify with the abuser as a means to quell the feelings of powerlessness and victimize children themselves.

It is the factor of powerlessness that will be the focus of this study. For the purposes of this study powerlessness will mean the persistently felt belief of the loss of personal control over one's self.

As referred to in this study an offender may be an individual identified by the criminal justice system or mental health services community or may be inferred from the report of the subject, as one having engaged in inappropriate sexual activity. Any required distinction will be made in the context as needed for clarification.

Finkelhor identifies four factors that need to be present for sexual abuse of a child to occur: 1) a motivation to sexually abuse 2) overcoming internal inhibitors to sexual abuse 3) overcoming external inhibitors to sexual abuse and 4) overcoming the victims= resistance. (Finkelhor, 1984, p.54)

Webster's Ninth Collegiate Dictionary's definition of offend is certainly relevant in this context.

Offend vb from the Latin, to strike against.

1 a: To transgress the moral or divine law b: To violate a law or rule : do wrong. 2 a: To cause difficulty, discomfort, or injury b: to cause dislike, anger, or vexation. ~vt 1 a: Violate, transgress

b: to cause pain to : HURT 2 obs: to cause to sin or fall 3 : to cause to feel vexation or resentment usu. by violation of what is proper or fitting.

The rough estimate of one in six males surviving at least one incident before age 16 is based on a multitude of studies with some fundamental methodological problems. Some of these problems have to do with the populations surveyed. Different prevalence rates have been shown in samples of college students, clinical populations or people receiving psychotherapy and community populations of a specific city, state or country. Comparing samples of people receiving mental health therapy to broad community samples yield lower prevalence rates and provides more accurate data about the rate of child sexual abuse in a society.

The questions researchers ask and the method employed to ask them also impacts on the accuracy and validity of data. It is felt by some researchers that men especially will be more candid on anonymous questionnaire than they would be if having to admit in the presence of another person a history of sexual abuse.

Other problems with methodology have to do with the nature of the questions asked, whether a gate question answered yes must be present to allow the process to continue, whether the word abuse is used and especially the disagreement of what constitutes abuse are problems that continue to confound the accuracy and validity of these studies.

Child sexual abuse for the purposes of this study will be defined as: The victimization of dependent, developmentally immature children and adolescents in sexual activities which they do not fully comprehend and are unable to give informed consent to for the sexual gratification of an adult or significantly older child/adolescent. (Kempe and Kempe, 1978; Finkelhor, 1979; Tower, 1989; Goddard and Carew, 1993; Angus and Woodward, 1995)

The prevalence of reported child sexual abuse in America grew from 1,975 reported cases in 1976 to 22,918 in 1986 from the records of the American Association for Protecting Children, Inc., covering 31 states and 3 American territories. These figures rose another two hundred twenty-seven percent (227%) between 1986 and 1991 according to the United States Department of Health and Human Services report of 1992.( Finkelhor, 1986). These figures are deemed an underestimate of the true incidence of child sexual abuse as most go unreported. The majority of cases reported are of female victims. The actual number of incidence of sexual abuse among males is largely unknown.

It is recognized that perpetrators of sex crimes may be survivors of child sexual abuse themselves although not every sexually molested child goes on to become a molester. The findings of some 18 different studies reviewed (Hanson and Slater, 1988) of more than 1,000
sex offenders show a higher percentage of individuals sexually abused than in the general population (R. Corbett, 1995, M. Harris, 1995, p.70).

Boy's frequently don't tell when they have been sexually abused. In studies of college students who report childhood history of sexual abuse, the male survivors where found more likely to express a desire to hurt others and to have a sexual interest in children than were their female counterparts. In a Urquiza and Crowley study (1986), participants were asked about their sexual interest in children. Twenty-five percent of the male survivors said they had some kind of sexual fantasies involving children as opposed to 9% of nonvictimized males and 3% of victimized women (D. Finkelhor, 1990, p. 326).

Numerous reasons for the silence of male survivors are offered in the research. The most common reason cited for the lack of early intervention for male survivors is that male socialization dictates that he not be powerless, but powerful. He is expected to protect himself and when he suffers sexual abuse it is usually from someone outside his family he hasn't protected himself from and in his socialized belief system he is to blame. If he has survived an abuse by another male he may question his sexual orientation, especially if he experienced any pleasure in the encounter.

Summit (1983) has described the process through which the child sexual abuse victim accommodates to the sexually abusive experience. In this process the child is first confronted with the need to deal with the response of adults and other authority figures at the point of disclosure. Disbelief and rejection are commonplace -- perhaps more so in the case of the male victim. The result is fear and confusion about whether to report and how much to say, as well as concern about the adult's feelings toward the victim. In the male, especially, self-blame at not being more self-protective enjoins the ordinary helplessness and hopelessness that follow the event. Guilt and rage are common clinical presentations (Summit, 1983).
 
 
One telling feature, nonverbal as it may be, is the fact that adolescent and pre-adolescent males receiving psychological interventions because of sexually aggressive behavior may be in fact mirroring their own experience. Sexually aggressive behavior in young children is a clear presence in the clinical literature (Arroyo, Eth, & Pynoos, 1984; Fortenberry & Hill, 1986; Pomeroy, Behar, & Steward, 1981; Yates, 1982). There are young children who use some form of directed force in order to engage in sexual activities with other children, adolescents, parents and other adults. Friedrick and Luecke (1988) evaluated 22 of these children ages 4 to 11. Since 81% of these children were male the study bears directly upon the question of this work. Six of the twenty-two were found not to have been sexually aggressive and became a comparison group. An additional group of boys (5 to 13 years of age) who had been sexually abused and had also completed a treatment program for behavior problems became an additional comparison group. The combination of these comparison groups and the solid psychometric instrumentation applied (e.g., TAT, Roberts Apperception Test for Children, and MMPI for the parents) make this a more clinically valid work than some of its predecessors.

Friedrich and Luecke (1988) found that 13 of the 16 sexually aggressive children had a history of severe sexual abuse which involved aggression, genital contact, fellatio and sodomy. The type of sexual offense perpetrated by these young males often paralleled their own experience. Diagnostically, the behavior disorders identified followed the overall aggression in the behaviors (e.g. conduct and oppositional disorders). Socialization patterns were attenuated as well with poor object relations and defective empathy for others being commonplace. Functional issues were present in the poor educational performance histories present. Not surprisingly, indicators of sexual preoccupation were present in most of the instruments. (Bolton, Morris & MacEachron, 1989, pg 84-85)
 
 

Male survivors of less aggressive types of sexual abuse and physical abuse who go on to develop abuse behavior are seen to engage in more hand-off types of offenses such as exhibitionism, peeping, stealing female undergarments and obscene phone calls and letters whereas those victims of violent, coercive and threatening types of offenses have been seen to later identify with the power of the aggressor and then repeat that type of behavior.

The various attempts at classification of offenders have yielded little help to those who work with them in designing treatment to stop them. Whether an offending male suffers emotional congruence, where he needs to relate to someone on his own emotional level, or is predisposed to sexual arousal to children or is blocked in his ability to get sexual and emotional needs met in appropriate ways, or is simply disinhibited by the social norms that sexual abuse is wrong or harmful, (Finkelhor 1984), he will manifest the same pattern of accomplishing his offense.

Springfield, Missouri is currently treating some 200 to 250 individuals referred to Sexual Offender Group Therapy mandated by statute and overseen the Department of Probation and Parole through the Missouri Sexual Offenders program as a condition of their continued liberty.

Four psychologists paired with a probation officer meet each group of offenders twice a week for the length of their probation or parole. There are no graduates of this program. The offenders are mandated to attend treatment for the length of their probation or parole and every attempt is made to encourage these men to continue treatment after the term of probation or parole has expired. To date, only two men continue to seek treatment for their compulsion to sexually abuse themselves and others.

The program is fashioned after a Relapse Prevention model that is defined as a maintenance-oriented self-control program that teaches sex offenders how to determine if they are entering into high risk to re-offend situations, self-destructive behaviors, deviant cycle patterns, and a potential re-offense. This model is a cognitive-behavioral approach to treatment.

Relapse Prevention is based on the reality that although sex offenders cannot be cured , they are responsible for their behaviors and can control them. It helps them explore factors which lead to committing sexual offenses and teaches them that they must make a commitment to abstain from participating in future deviant sexual behavior. The focus is not to cure or remove all temptation, but to develop ways to manage and cope with ongoing sexual desires, to teach the individual to be responsible to internal and external stressors (Salter, 1988). Prevention of sexually deviant, criminal, and other abusive and destructive behavior is promoted as the primary goal for all sex offenders who enter treatment. (Alaska Department of Corrections, 1996) The Springfield, MO group are offenders convicted of a wide range of sexual offenses including exposure, peeping, stealing women's underclothing, obscene phone calls and letter writing, molestation of children, sexual intercourse with children, and violent rape. They range in age from 17 to 67 years old and represent a full spectrum of socioecomonic background, though the young, undereducated, underemployed represent the greater number of participants.

In Missouri this treatment takes place inside and outside of the prison. The incarcerated offender who fails to complete treatment while in prison must register with local law enforcement upon release as a sexual predator. In FY '97 Missouri has appropriated another $2,500,275 to meet this inmate activity and another $274,209 for expansion of the Missouri Sexual Offenders Program (MoSOP)

The estimated national average of the percentage of sexual offenders being adult survivors of at least one incidence of childhood sexual abuse is 14%. Therapist Hal Davidson, counselor for six of the Springfield groups, estimates of prevalence show a higher percentage represented in his groups than the national average reflects though no actual data has been tracked to confirm this judgment.

The purpose of MoSOP and similar programs is crime prevention.

The abuse cycle is first marked by a preoccupation with sexual thoughts. This is frequently fueled by viewing of pornographic material. The next step is the formulation of a dual motive. Like the alcoholic that needs change for the parking meter who decides to bypass all of the other stores on the block and chooses to get his change in the only bar in the same block, the SAM decides to take a walk in the park or down to the playground or he asks one of his students to help him with a project after school or any number of other seemingly innocent actions. He decides the child sitting alone on the swing set looks lonely or down and perhaps needs some cheering up. He may even at that point really believe that is all he is doing there because he is a consummate manipulator even of himself.

After the offense there follows a period of tremendous shame and sometimes remorse and always fear, which he will soon begin to justify. The justification always blames someone or something outside himself for his behavior. That accomplished, the cycle of preoccupation begins anew. Abusers frequently use alcohol and/or drugs at intervals throughout the process both to attempt to neutralize the discomfort and also to assist in lowering any inhibition that may remain against perpetrating the offense.

In the mandated group therapy, acceptance of responsibility is the first and continuing issue addressed by the therapist. Groups members are required, in the modified 12-step fashion, to identify themselves and admit what they have done. On first meeting with the group an offender will be required to allocute the facts of his crime to the group. No dodging is tolerated and strong confrontation by therapists and peers is the methods employed under the coercion of incarceration.

The most common DSM-III diagnosis is Post Traumatic Stress Disorder although many are also substance dependent, personality disordered, under socialized aggressive and nonaggressive, conduct disordered personalities. These diagnoses are rarely confirmed with actual psychometric testing due to the lack of available funding and the long experience of the therapists.

The cultural influence of many of the offenders in this part of the United States further exacerbates the effectiveness of treatment. A twenty-one year old man convicted for statutory rape of a 13 year old female remanded to treatment fails to appreciate the appropriateness of a legal prohibition of this behavior. The attitudes and beliefs of his family reinforce his incredulity of being legally sanctioned for something that has been accepted as normal in his family for generations.

Lack of empathy for and objectification of the victim is a common trait in these offenders.

As a result of child sexual abuse, and some child abuse and neglect in general, a survivor may be subject to developing in a separate reality from the rest of his world. His concept of boundaries is destroyed, he fails to develop social skills which furthers his feelings of alienation. The idea that something is wrong with him overshadows the development of cognitive ability. He can no longer see the world through the lens of innocence, but of shame, fear, alienation and rage.

The existence of these factors are recognized by the therapists treating the Springfield cohort but these are extremely manipulative criminals. The focus of treatment is on admitting the behavior, the cycle, the dual motives, the manipulations, and the steps needed for each offender to break the cycle of offending. Through mandated, rigorous confrontational therapy the hidden ground in these individuals is being forced open perhaps for the first time in their lives.

There is limited confidentiality to this treatment. A probation officer is in attendance at all meetings and this admittedly has created some blocks to the normal therapeutic process. It is in frequently the first time that these individuals have had to face and accept their histories and their harmful conduct.

The Missouri Congress is considering now whether to build one or two more prisons and Department of Corrections admits that at the rate of 8-9 inmate per day being added to the prison system, by the year 2001 the Department of Corrections will again run overcrowded prisons housing 35,000 inmates.(Kirkland, J., 1997) A Predatory Sexual Offender bill unanimously passed approval of the Missouri House of Representatives of March 7, 1997 which provides the sentence of life in prison with the option for parole, for repeat offenders who slip through the system that includes the MoSOP and also provides for supervision under the control of the Department of Corrections for life. Another bill before a House committee would require antiandrogenic drugs to reduce sex drives in order to qualify for parole at the discretion of the sentencing court. The bill targets first time sexual offenders whose victims are under 13 years old and mandated for second-time offenders whose victim are under 13 and mandated for third-time offenders. (McKinley, E., 1997)

The Bill's sponsor argued that the bill is a needed protection from Amonsters of society ... who should be locked up and put away forever. But if they are on parole, we need to be protected. A California law of this type was passed September 1996. Dr. Bruce Harry, associate professor of general psychiatry at the University of Missouri-Columbia School of Medicine said that some criminal sexual behaviors cannot simply be controlled through hormone treatment, AI don=t know that it is as effective as everybody would like. I wish it were that simple.@ Marsha Richeson, lobbyist for the American Civil Liberties Union of Easter Missouri argued that she has no sympathy for sexual offenders, she did not thing that chemical castration would be effective as the studies which indicated low recidivism rates after chemical castration also involved other therapies as well. AHow much more horrible to let these people out of prison, thinking they=re safer,@ said Richeson.( Kim, A.S., 1997).

With mounting evidence that everything that is being utilized to deal with these offenders, nothing has worked, and facing the mounting evidence of the great increase in revenue required to implement more of this type of treatment, it would perhaps be of some interest to explore additional perspectives to this intractable problem with the more enlightened approach toward healing. Perhaps the retributivist doctrine could be suspended in favor of a viable humane solution. It is an unpopular voice that halts a charging army to recall who is the enemy ahead so ugly and menacing that he should be tortured his whole life. Perhaps it will be a modification of the retributivist doctrine combined with humanity that will allow these great numbers of monsters to be healed. As the alcoholic is strengthened and helped by the recovering alcoholic who knows him and has been in his shoes, so might these recovering offenders be the best able to reach and rehabilitate those we are willing to fear into picking our own pockets to house, watch, punish, and hate.

If there truly are more of these offenders who are survivors of sexual abuse than is currently recognized it may point the way to a more effectual approach to solving the problem of how to stop men from sexually abusing children, a crime with a diverse roster of victims .

Method



Subjects: Forensic cohort

All males convicted of a sexual offense attending mandatory sexual offenders= treatment through the Missouri Sexual Offenders Program in Springfield, MO. They range in age from 17 to ____ years old. The number of individuals included in this study was _____ or ____% of _____.

This study will be conducted by means of self-report questionnaire completed by participants as well as chart and record audit questions completed by the counselors and probation officers for each of the groups participants.

This study is designed to discover the percentage of participants who are survivors of child sexual abuse, the degree of abuse experienced, (violent, nonviolent, number of incidents, over what period of time), at what age the abuse began, whether the perpetrator was related to, known to, or a stranger to the child and whether the participant ever reported the abuse, to whom, and what action occurred as a result of reporting or of not reporting.

Because the definitions of what constitutes abuse vary so widely among people, abuse will be referred to by specific sexual behaviors. There appears to be an inferential deep reluctance on the part of males to disclose having been victimized. On this basis it is anticipated that an estimated ____% of participants will fail to disclose personal victimization. By the same token, the subjects are being taken from a setting where it is recognized they will manipulate for any circumstance that may mitigate their guilt and it is therefore anticipated that an estimated ____% will falsely claim either personal victimization or severity of victimization, yielding a (+) or (-) ___% margin of error.

A cover letter will be given to each participant explaining that this study is being conducted as part of ongoing research into more effective treatment for sexual offenders and that no information will be required to identify the individual participants.

A post office box address will be on an accompanying stamped envelope and participants will be instructed that upon completion of the 50 question survey questionnaire to place the instrument immediately into the envelope, seal it, and to place the envelope in the mail.

Chart audit information will be recorded by the counselor of the participant and will include length of time in treatment, history of alcohol or drug abuse, DSM III diagnosis, Axis I, II, III, IV and estimated level of investment in treatment. Counselors will be provided with a stamped, addressed envelope to return the audit sheets to researcher.

Probation and parole record audit information will be recorded by the parole officer attending the participant=s group and will include the offense conviction, status as sexual offender, (first time, repeat, violent, non violent), prior incarceration, victim demographics (sex, age and age at time of offense, victim known or unknown to offender). Probation officers will be provided with a stamped, addressed 9" X 12" envelope to return the audit sheets to researcher.

Sexual offenders may share a victim perspective legitimately, however, it is most frequently utilized as a means of justification and rationalization for their acts of abuse. The research instrument will attempt to safeguard giving any fuel to that counter-productive element by questioning specific behaviors of abuse and not using the word >abuse= in any portion of the questions asked.

It is recognized that offenders utilize certain >grooming= techniques as part of their underlying thoughts to become sexual with another person. Questions relating to the offender recalling experiences of this techniques will be helpful and included in the questionnaire. Space will be provided for any comments or additional information the participant wishes to include.
 
 

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